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From: "Emmanuel Gustin"
It is true that "neo-conservatives" do not occupy all key positions in this administration, but nevertheless they seem to control most of its policies. Of course 9/11 created the ideal opportunity for them to break through, You need to go back farther than that, to Watergate. The Nixon humiliation beheaded the Republican foreign policy establishment while the McGovernite take-over of the Democrats drove hard-line foreign policy Democrats into retreat. With the Carter presidency cementing a new, dovish Democratic foreign policy paradigm, (although there were signs toward the end of the Carter presidency that Carter was beginning to resurrect them), these people began turning to the drifting Republican Party, allying behind former Democrat Ronald Reagan, who was not highly regarded by the Republican establishment at all. Reagan's administration sucked numbers of Democratic Party hard-line foreign policy apparatchiks into its bureaucratic Republican bulk. In retrospect, the destruction of the Nixon administration, and with it the pragmatic foreign policy typical of "real" Republicans (who tend to be businessmen, organization men, men in gray flannel suits--certainly not firebrands), detente, which the Truman-Kennedy-Johnson foreign policy people abhored, was a disaster for the dovish clique of Democrats. Between appeasement and war is detente. The proponents of detente had been discredited. That left appeasement, which Americans have limited tolerance for and which Carter used up very quickly. So you get the firebrands--tear down this wall, evil empire, axis of evil... If you don't like it, blame the crowd who destroyed Richard "Ping-pong diplomacy" Nixon. Their "new American century" is one in which the world's only remaining superpower has a destiny to rule, much as the Romans once did, and enforce a "Pax Americana". Or the British. Or whomever. Great powers shape their world. Now, if Kerry wins, we will get back the "neoliberals" of the Clinton presidency, who have a world vision that is, in some ways, very much like that of Herbert Hoover and Calvin Coolidge. These guys are just as patriotic as the neocons--after all, President Clinton and his people were fond of referring to America as "the indespensible nation"--but they have a wider vision of American power, one based more on economic power than military power. Then Secretary of Commerce Mickey Kantor bragged in 1996, "trade and international economics have joined the foreign policy table." The "neoliberal" (or, perhaps, paleoconservative) expectation that securing a world open to trade and investment will enable America to do good even as it does well fits squarely in with the theories of pre-FDR Republicanism. In President Clinton’s succinct formulation, "trade, investment, and commerce" will produce "a structure of opportunity and peace." For neoliberals, international arms limitations, multi-lateral military agreements, cutting trade deals, reducing tariffs, protecting property rights, and running interference for American private enterprise—the entire package gilded with the idiom of globalization and earnest professions of America’s abiding concern for democracy and human rights—constitute the heart of foreign policy. In other words, you don't have to go around blowing people up to ensure and expand America's power. But what about when people go around blowing you up? There, the neo-liberals (and paleo-conservatives) don't have a good track record. Enter the neo-conservative (paleo-liberal?) who speaks of missile gaps (Kennedy), windows of vulnerability (Reagan), and, in the incarnation of G.W. Bush, says to militant muslim fanatics: "Your god promised you 72 Virginians if you died? Well, here we are, ready to rock and roll. Chris Mark |
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